What is china trying to prove with military parade?

Imagine a parade showing off China's most
recent global accomplishments, highlighting the
progress made in the 70 years since World War
Two.
Perhaps the scientists who designed China's lunar rover could
lead the way. Earlier this year, Chinese researchers unveiled
the first new discoveries about the Moon to be made in
decades.
Next in our imaginary parade: Liu Cixin, the Chinese author
who just won the prestigious international Hugo prize for
science fiction.
Then, Tolein, the first Chinese DJ with two hits in the UK's
top 10 club charts.
Rounding out the back: Guo Pei, the Beijing designer who
spent two years creating the gown that starred in New
York's fashion event of the year, the Met Ball.
But instead this week, we'll see a far different image of
China: one that shuns creativity and innovation in favour of
uniformity and obedience.
Strict control
Soldiers have worn through 16,000 pairs of shoes after
spending months practising their goosesteps, the state media
report. Many gripped chopsticks between their teeth in order
to master the military's "standard smile", often snapping them
in two.
It seems that nothing has been left to chance. Chinese-built
satellites will guide the parade's 12,000 participants, ensuring
they don't stray more than a few centimetres from their
correct spots.
Elements that can't be strictly controlled, including most of
China's 1.3 billion people, have been barred from the parade
route altogether.
Those living in the vicinity received strict warnings to stay
away from their windows.
Those living near the parade's centre stage, in Tiananmen
Square, have been told they can't cook for days before the
parade, in case a fire detracts from the proceedings.
Not to mention tens of thousands of factories, shut down
weeks ago in an effort to guarantee clean air.
Most will have little to do over the war anniversary but
watch the television coverage. For five days, state television
will stop its usual run of reality television shows and soap
operas in favour of anti-Japanese war dramas.
"I have a deep understanding of fascism now, by observing
this anniversary of the victory against the fascists," one
Chinese internet user wryly observed.
'Friendly global power'
So, by going to such great lengths to project an image of
strength and uniformity, what is China trying to prove?
The world must remember the suffering and the sacrifices
China made during WW2, China's state media have said.
But the military parade is also making a point about China's
current place in the world too.
"China was at its weakest in history when it was scourged
by WW2," an editorial in the state-run Global Times
newspaper said. "But 70 years later it has grown into a
miraculous global power."
It's a global power with friendly intentions, Beijing insists.
The parade "will help remind all kind-hearted people of the
aspiration and pursuit for peace", China's foreign ministry
spokesman Hua Chunying explains. It will "safeguard the
outcomes of WW2 in pursuit of a more beautiful future of all
human beings".
China's regional rivals don't seem to agree.
Delegations from 51 countries were invited to attend the
parade, and Japan and the Philippines opted against sending
anyone. Leaders of major Western countries will also be
absent from the viewing stands in Tiananmen Square.
"Thousands of British servicemen died in WW2 in Asia and
it's right that we commemorate that, " UK Foreign Secretary
Philip Hammond said on a trip to China in August.
But then he added: "We are not huge fans of military
parades, showing off shining new aggressive equipment, in
general."
So, are China's actions peaceful, as the foreign ministry
maintains, or are they aggressive?
Japan is often cited as a key target of the parade's
message. Frosty relations between Beijing and Tokyo hinge on
disputes over Japan's contentious wartime record and
territorial claims in the East China Sea.
It's no mistake that the official name for the parade spells
out China's "resistance against Japanese aggression".
But there's a wider global objective too, some maintain.
"I think the most important thing is reasserting nuclear
deterrence and that's a message for the United States,"
explains Mathieu Duchatel, head of the China and Global
Security Project with the Stockholm International Peace
Research Institute. "China does not have many occasions to
assert the state of its nuclear arsenal."
New ballistic missiles are expected to star in the parade,
including the DF-41, a long-range missile that can carry
multiple warheads, capable of hitting any target in the US.
'Shoring up authority'
Global messages aside, the parade comes at a sensitive time
in Chinese domestic politics too.
In the past month, the country has been rocked by chemical
explosions in the port city of Tianjin, and the swift decline of
its main stock markets. Both can be blamed, in part, on
government incompetence.
"Frankly speaking, the new leader wants to shore up his
authority," says Shanghai-based military commentator Zhao
Chu, referring to Xi Jinping. "He is giving an explicit signal to
the domestic audience that he has a stronger grip over the
military than his predecessors."
Two of the military's senior generals, men who sat on the
all-powerful Central Military Commission, have already been
sacked for corruption. Mr Xi is keen to reassert his position
at the top of the pile.
What China's communist leader can't do, however, is
convince all of his citizens that the pomp and pageantry of
the parade is worth all the hassle.
"If they're going to close the local hospitals," one internet
user grumbled. "The least they can do is to eliminate all
illnesses too."

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